Volumes 1 and 2 are not open access. The copyright is with World Scientific Connect. Kindly use the links below to download from World Scientific Connect. You may also use the bibliographic subscriptions of your library to download articles and papers in these issues.
Volume 02, Issue 03 (December 2012)
Paul Pavitra And Valtonen Hannu
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500123
Abstract
Health inequities are explained by the structural and material determinants of health, so an endeavour to achieve good health for the population calls for an examination of such determinants in the country. However, very little is known about the scenario for this in a post-conflict situation. This study examines the distribution of health determinants, identifies the relationship between the structural and material determinants of health, and estimates the effects of the districts on health determinants in Afghanistan. We use probit regression models on the household sample survey data of 2009, 2010 and 2011. The unequal distribution of both structural and material determinants is found to be a contentious issue for the country. The regression results show that the financial improvement and improvement in the overall conditions of the households have a significant positive association with all the material determinants of health for the population, including freedom of movement in a post-conflict country. The effects of the districts are significant for all the determinants of health. Freedom of movement is found to be the most important time invariant structural determinant that affects all the material determinants of the health of the Afghan population. This study indicates the linkages between geographical and socioeconomic variances with the determinants of health in Afghanistan. We intend to re-examine the way in which health is conceptualized within the development framework for the nation.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
2. About A Revolution: The Economic Motivations of the Arab Spring
Andrea Ansani and Vittorio Daniele
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500135
Abstract
The paper reviews the economic motivations of the Arab Spring. After examining the possible relationships between the Arab riots and the global economic crisis started in 2007, the analysis focuses on some structural aspects characterizing North Africa and Middle East Countries, such as their demographic structure, the profound social inequalities, and the discrepancy between the education levels, of youth in particular, and the civil and political rights accorded to the populations. The combination of youth demographics, high unemployment rates, and high educational levels, coupled with an unrepresentative political system, increases the likelihood of social unrest.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
3. Fighting Corruption in Bangladesh: A Policy Proposal
Kh. A. Mottaleb and Tetsushi Sonobe
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500147
Abstract
Corruption is widespread in Bangladesh. According to a report of the international watchdog Transparency International, during 2001–2005, Bangladesh was the most corrupt country in the world. How to combat corruption in Bangladesh is now an important agenda for both international donor agencies and the government. Using game theory, this paper proposes that a successful reduction in corruption to a tolerable level in the government sector depends on a reduction in both incentives to and opportunities for corruption by government employees, and this can be done by raising salaries and introducing strong punishment simultaneously. To introduce an effective and strong punishment system, independent, and strong anti-corruption bodies and strong commitment from political leaders are the essential conditions.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
4. China’s Security Wisdom: A Historical Review
Dongmei Han
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500159
Abstract
With “Family and Nation” (宗庙社稷) as the top priority, China has had strategic considerations to deal with domestic and foreign affairs, which gradually formed a series of relatively stable national security strategic thought throughout Chinese history. Based on literature surveys, the author systematically reviews the Chinese traditional security strategy from the Qin to the Qing Dynasty. The author then analyses the core security strategy wisdom of China which contains the following sayings: “Balance civil or Wen and military or Wu” (文武并重); “Rich and powerful country contains a strong military power and thus indicates opportunities to win the war in the future” (国富者兵强，兵强者战胜); “Political and military means support each other”(文功武备), “Though your country may be strong, asking for wars is suicide. Though it may seem peaceful, it is a deadly mistake to forget about war” (国虽大，好战必亡。天下虽安，忘战必危); “Attracting neighboring countries with strong power and peace within China in order to achieve regional peace”(治安中国，而四夷自服). In the third part, the author analyses the Chinese traditional security strategy wisdom’s significance by providing the essence of strategic thinking, positive and negative wisdom and lessons for developing national security, and epistemological tools. In the final part of the paper, the author comes to the conclusion that Chinese traditional security strategy encourage the integrated use of military, political, economic and other national strategic resources, by the way of “balance civil or Wen and military or Wu” (文武并重) to achieve the strategic objective of establishing and maintaining the feudal pattern of unity, strengthening the monarchy at the core of the centralized, and promoting national integration and unity.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
Doaa M. Salman
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500160
Abstract
Economists, sociologists, and politicians thought that the era of “the dark ages” and political theology that declined in popularity in the West since the 16th century would not be repeated. They thought that the amount of corruption, and deterioration of economic and social conditions that occurred in that era, taught everyone not to link political questions with values ones. In the light of Arab spring revolution; as they try to shift from an authoritarian to democratic regimes, Egypt today has proven them completely wrong. The paper’s target is to answer the following questions: will revolution carry a redistributive political action and fulfil people’s objectives, or will it end with depressing effects on growth which hinder the country’s development process? Why are some countries able to formulate democratic regime, and achieve economic development and growth while others’ attempts have been futile? What are vital political settings for these calls to attain a progressive development and growth path? The paper will explore the lessons that can be adopted from South Korea’s move to democracy in the late 1970s and try to implement these lessons in the countries that search for democratic processes. Finally, the paper concludes with analysis that having a democratic system does not always grantee a boost to economic growth, but good governance does.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
Joseph Taabazuing, Frederick Armah, Jenna Dixon, and Isaac Luginaah
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500172
Abstract
This paper uses the Wenchi District as a case study to generate a nuanced understanding of the interactive process between decentralized government structures and traditional authority in the context of Ghana’s highly touted democratic achievements within the African continent. Qualitative methods involving focus group discussions of 159 males and 98 females aged between 18 to 72 years in 8 communities were used to facilitate insightful discussions and reflections. The focus group discussions (FGDs) were complemented with key informant interviews (n = 8) and direct observations. Using grounded theory, the results reveal that the interaction between traditional authorities and government decentralized institutions within Ghana’s emerging democracy are characterized by competition for power and legitimacy. This has led to mistrust and the inability to take advantage of the potentially synergistic effects between the two systems of local governance for accelerated development. Furthermore, the findings reveal that a predominant culture of fear of authority within different hierarchical levels, is stifling genuine participation, further reinforcing a lack of accountability by authorities from both sides. We conclude that if decentralization policies are to be effective in Ghana, it may be imperative for government to strive for more open governance processes that are capable of blending the traditional systems with the emerging democratic dispensation depending on the context.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
Pamela Kimkung and Cristina Espinosa
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500184
Abstract
The violence displayed during the inter-ethnic land conflicts in Mount Elgon–which started in 2005 and escalated in the midst of the nation-wide 2007 Post Election Violence–reveals not only the limits of post-colonial states to reverse the colonial expropriation of land that destroyed indigenous land tenure systems and accentuated inter-ethnic conflicts; it reveals the gender dimensions of the conflict, where men and women were differently affected before, during, and after the conflict. While gender and sexual based violence (GSBV) was not restricted to women there were important differences that confirms the subordinated status of women and the heavier cost they had to pay. While men were also subjected to GSBV in the form of torture and/or castration it was mostly some young men who were targeted for this abuse. By contrast, women raped and sexually abused ranged from little girls to old women, since women of all age were targeted for GSBV; while men experienced GSBV only during the conflict as inflicted either by enemies or the army, women experienced GSBV before, during, and after the conflict. Not only did they experience it from the militia, the army or the camp’s guards but also from their own husbands in the form of domestic sexual violence; women also carried the stigma of rape and abuse forever after the episodes. While SGBV seriously challenged the masculinity of those individual men affected, it did not challenged the patriarchal hierarchies that keep women and girls subordinated, unable to find a nurturing environment to heal their wounds after the conflict. On the contrary, after the GSBV and abuse, women faced stigma and isolation and severe health issues in a context of social disruption of family, kin, and clan structures. The different ways men and women were affected by the conflict has severe implications for the post-conflict interventions which being gender-blind, have not been gender neutral, reinforcing female subordination and trauma among the survivors of the conflict. Some reflections on how to make post-conflict interventions more gender-sensitive are also presented.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
8. Are Regional Food Crises Man-Made Disasters?
Partha Gangopadhyay
https://doi.org/10.1142/S2010269012500196
Abstract
This paper argues that the emergence of new opportunities for farmers, in the form of biofuel markets, can cause serious food shortages in developing nations. This paper’s model seeks to explain how food supply can alarmingly decline due to conscious choices of farmers and not due to any vagaries of nature. In what follows we develop a baseline model for the first time that can explain why in some regions of a developing country, food shortages, and crises can develop and persist as an equilibrium phenomenon.
See: https://www.worldscientific.com/toc/ijdc/02/03
Book Review
Kimberly Seida